A Fountain Head from Pompeii

A Fountain Head from Pompeii


Pompeiian Wrought Metal

Pompeiian design and decoration lends itself admirably to the fabrication of modern and traditional furniture in wrought metal. The artistry of the Pompeiians and the early Egyptians has never been excelled. This is particularly true in metal work. Recognized as one of the foremost centers of Roman culture and basking in luxury, their artistic senses were highly developed.

Discovery of the Roman city of Pompeii in 1754 stimulated an artistic interest that had a definite effect on 18 th century English furniture designers. The Adams brothers in England incorporated many of the Pompeiian motifs in their architectural renderings and furniture adaptations. In France the Pompeiian influence was not discernable until the Louis XV period when people tired of the sensuous lines of this feminine style and sought a more enduring form of line.

With the advent of modern manufacturing methods such as die-casting and the bending and shaping of tubular and flat chrome-plated steel, metal furniture embodying Pompeiian influence is being re-created, and production methods have brought this type of furniture within the reach of the average consumer&rsquos pocketbook and desires.

The illustrations of the chair and the plant-stand are exquisite examples of modern adaptation of Pompeiian design. Furtherance of modern metal furniture development has been possible through the introduction of contemporary materials. New accents are permitted in a combining of wood, glass, copper, cork and chrome steel, and new discoveries in the fabrication of light weight metals allows many unusual and interesting forms to be developed.

William &ldquoBill&rdquo Hoffman, Camoufleur to Medalist, by editor of The Sketch Book

Beginning his career with architectural aspirations, Hoffmann enrolled in the Cooper Union Institute, New York, in 1916. During WWI &ldquoBill&rdquo exhibited his artistic wares in the creating of camouflage for the protection of AEFers.

From Cooper Union he moved to the Beaux Art Institute, and in 1920 and &rsquo21 achieved the distinction of being a Beaux Art medalist. His experiences in the realm of furniture designing had their inception with that fountain head of furniture craftsmen, W. & J. Sloane.

Following several years of intensive training in the designing of interiors and furnishings, Hoffmann migrated to Grand Rapids, and for over a decade produced successful designs for Robert W. Irwin Co. Severing his connections as staff designer with Irwin four years ago, &ldquoBill&rdquo has since created designs for such concerns as Johnson, Handley, Johnson Co. and Berkey & Gay of Grand Rapids, and Saginaw Furniture Shops of Saginaw, Michigan.

Versatile, talented and technical, Hoffman is equipped with an understanding and knowledge of furniture design as related to modern production methods and merchandising perception, only possible to one thoroughly founded in design fundamentals.

Both articles excerpted from Fine Furniture, December 1936, page 24


ART REVIEW

With the possible exception of Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal, everybody loves a good volcano story. The explosion! The lava flow! The ash cloud! Unspeakable death and destruction! The violent drama is exciting.

Even Andy Warhol painted Mt. Vesuvius as an imagined explosion of lime green, hot pink, searing orange, putrid purple and raging red colors. Fortunately, that trashy 1985 painting is not included in “Pompeii and the Roman Villa: Art and Culture Around the Bay of Naples,” the absorbing exhibition of ancient art that opened Sunday at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Warhol painted nothing that wasn’t already famous (or infamous), and exhibitions of Pompeiian art can get buried beneath tons of celebrity volcanology. With a minor exception, this one doesn’t.

“Pompeii and the Roman Villa” is a well-considered, beautifully installed examination of elite Roman taste roughly two millenniums ago, as manifest in the country houses of powerful nobles along the Neapolitan coastline. The one misstep comes in the final section, when we’re asked to look at 18th and 19th century European art that responded to the discovery and excavation of Pompeii, buried beneath molten lava, gray ash and pumice stone in the summer of AD 79, swallowing up thousands of victims.

It isn’t just that this Romantic-era survey is incomplete -- Christian Dahl’s quintessential 1826 fantasia based on a contemporary eruption of Vesuvius is not here, for instance. Or that the truly awful stuff -- such as Lawrence Alma-Tadema’s grandiose 1874 ode to monumental Victorian trivia, “A Sculpture Gallery” -- is. It’s that the subject of this final section is different from the earlier ones.

The closing room displays artists and craftsmen responding to the history, legends and contemporary science of a dramatic event. (Appropriately, it comes just before the museum gift shop.) The enlightening galleries that unfold before it, meanwhile, display Roman artists engaged in a fascinating aesthetic conversation with their forebears in ancient Greece.

“Pompeii and the Roman Villa” is a large but not exhausting study of one culture absorbing and remaking the artistic legacy of another to suit its own social purposes. Rome had vanquished Greece in the sack of Corinth in 146 BC, but the Romans didn’t denigrate Greek art as something foreign and inferior. Instead, they regarded it as magnificent, something worth emulating and, if possible, enhancing -- a sign of Rome’s much greater power and glory in having triumphed over a major civilization.

Something at once highly refined and crudely militaristic characterizes the Roman attitude. Take the heavy bronze gladiator’s helmet decorated with complex reliefs that relate episodes in the fall of Troy. That’s a founding story of Rome, established from the tangled tale of Trojan history. Whatever the far-flung military conquests of Greece and Rome, however, today we associate the leisure pursuits of one with competitive athletic games and the other with vicious gladiatorial combat. The helmet, probably a Pompeiian showpiece rather than something actually worn in the bloody ring, is a warrior’s artifact elevated to the status of elaborate decorative sculpture.

The show covers a period roughly between the empire-builder Julius Caesar (circa 100-44 BC), whose decision to erect a Neapolitan retreat far from Rome’s civic intrigues made the region around Pompeii into the fashionable Palm Springs or Hamptons of his day, and the tyrannical emperor Nero (AD 37-68), who died not long before Vesuvius erupted. (Some have used Nero’s decadence as an explanation for Pompeii’s tragic fate, which is sort of like Pat Robertson blaming Florida hurricanes on Gay Day at Disney World.) Villa culture is the show’s focus.

Romans approached art of ancient Greece and Periclean Athens in three ways. Some clumsy Roman works are content just to signify historical awareness. Others seek to match the skill and copy the beauty of what came before. And the rest transform it into something distinctly Roman.

A bronze bust of a young man or Apollo, his eyebrows and upper lip inset with copper that results in a vacant, mechanical stare, crudely recalls archaic Greek sculpture. (His corkscrew ringlets of hair look like latter-day fusilli pasta.) By contrast, a beautifully carved marble relief shows a classically inspired figure of Achilles using his dagger to scrape rust from his spear into the abdominal wound of the regal Telephos, whose left leg tenses, toes splayed, and whose mouth gently exhales in pain. Finally a bronze fisherman astride a fountainhead is a playful, marvelously observed figure from life whose role is simply to provide thematic adornment for a garden fishpond.

Kenneth Lapatin, associate curator of antiquities at the Getty Villa -- itself based on a lavish country house excavated at Herculaneum, up the coast a bit from Pompeii -- ably organized the traveling LACMA show. (Carol C. Mattusch did the honors for Washington’s National Gallery of Art, where it originated.) He divided the Pompeiian galleries into four sections, which unfold in a wonderfully coherent and informative way.

First is a room of 10 portrait busts and statues, plus one fragment of wall painting and some fancy jewelry, which comprise a Who’s Who of villa owners or family members. Next is a gallery that articulates the fashion for Greek art and culture among the Roman aristocracy. The “who” and “what” of ancient Pompeii are established. The “where” completes the quartet, dramatically upping the ante.

The show hits a peak in the third section, devoted to an almost uniformly exquisite compilation of sculptures, reliefs, wall paintings and a mosaic that adorned villa gardens in the temperate seaside region. The Roman fashion for these pastoral settings may have evolved from Plato’s Academy just outside Athens, the contemplative retreat centered on a sacred grove of olive trees dedicated to Athena, goddess of (among other things) wisdom. Judging from the art, though, Pompeii’s gardens were as much about sensual pleasure as learning.

A nearly 6-by-12-foot fresco shows a sumptuous garden, its luxurious flora filled with birds and studded with sculpture. The remarkable painting came from a villa living room that once faced a garden, merging cultivated exterior and interior spaces. Nature’s fluctuations are set against culture’s permanent bloom, both equally ravishing and revered.

The fourth section focuses on villa interiors, including sculptures transformed into oil lamps, fresco still lifes, ancient glass (most loaned from the Getty’s excellent collection) and so on. Three bright red walls of a dining room are adorned with paintings of Apollo and his muses in a trompe l’oeil architectural setting -- a place for lively feasts. The social gatherings are given at least a gloss of literary and artistic rumination, provided by the inspirational figures painted on surrounding walls.

What the villa garden and interior galleries remind us is that almost all the Roman art in this exhibition was made for ornamental purposes. Modern traditions tend to equate decoration with trivia, and the mind recoils at being considered insufficiently intellectual. That’s our loss, if “Pompeii and the Roman Villa” is any guide.


Nay, after all, when you were in the enjoyment of all these advantages, you turned your too great plenty against those that gave it you, and, like merciless serpents, have thrown out your poison against those that treated you kindly.

I suppose, therefore, that you might despise the slothfulness of Nero [the previous Roman emperor], and, like limbs of the body that are broken or dislocated, you did then lie quiet, waiting for some other time, though still with a malicious intention, and have now showed your distemper to be greater than ever, and have extended your desires as far as your impudent and immense hopes would enable you to do it.

At this time my father came into this country [with his Roman legions], not with a design to punish you for what you had done under Cestius, but to admonish you for had he come to overthrow your nation, he would have run directly to your fountain-head [water supply], and would have immediately laid this city waste whereas he went and burnt Galilee and the neighboring parts, and thereby gave you time for repentance which instance of humanity you took for an indication of weakness, and nourished your impudence on our mildness.

When Nero was gone out of the world, you did as the wickedest wretches would have done, and encouraged yourselves to act against us during our civil dissensions [after Nero was overthrown, there was chaos], and abused that time when both I and my father were gone away to Egypt to make preparations for this war.

A Roman coin honoring Titus, and showing an Aryan Roman soldier towering over a captive Jew.

Nor were you ashamed to raise disturbances against us when we were made emperors, and this while you had experienced how mild we had been, when we were no more than generals of the army.

[General Vespasian and his son Titus both invaded Judea, but Vespasian left for Rome to become emperor. Titus then finished crushing the Jews.]

But when the government was devolved upon us, and all other people did thereupon lie quiet, and even foreign nations sent embassies, and congratulated our access to the government, then did you Jews show yourselves to be our enemies. You sent embassies to those of your nation that are beyond Euphrates to assist you in your raising disturbances new walls were built by you round your city, seditions arose, and one tyrant contended against another, and a civil war broke out among you such indeed as became none but so wicked a people as you are.

I then came to this city, as unwillingly sent by my father, and received melancholy injunctions from him. When I heard that the people were disposed to peace, I rejoiced at it I exhorted you to leave off these proceedings before I began this war I spared you even when you had fought against me a great while I gave my right hand [handshake] as security to the deserters I observed what I had promised faithfully.

When they fled to me, I had compassion on many of those that I had taken captive I tortured those that were eager for war in order to restrain them. It was unwillingly that I brought my engines of war against your walls I always prohibited my soldiers, when they were set upon your slaughter, from their severity against you. After every victory I persuaded you to peace, as though I had been myself conquered. When I came near your temple, I again departed from the laws of war, and exhorted you to spare your own sanctuary, and to preserve your holy house to yourselves. I allowed you a quiet exit out of it, and security for your preservation nay, if you had a mind, I gave you leave to fight in another place. Yet have you still despised every one of my proposals, and have set fire to your holy house with your own hands.

And now, vile wretches, do you desire to treat with me by word of mouth?To what purpose is it that you would save such a holy house as this was, which is now destroyed? What preservation can you now desire after the destruction of your temple? Yet do you stand still at this very time in your armor nor can you bring yourselves so much as to pretend to be supplicants even in this your utmost extremity. O miserable creatures! What is it you depend on to save you now? Are not your people dead? Is not your holy house gone? Is not your city in my power? And are not your very lives in my hands? And do you still deem it a part of valor to die? However, I will not imitate your madness. If you throw down your arms, and deliver up your bodies to me, I grant you your lives and I will act like a mild master of a family what cannot be healed shall be punished, and the rest I will preserve for my own use.”

3. To that offer of Titus they made this reply: That they could not accept of it, because they had sworn never to do so but they desired they might have leave to go through the wall that had been made about them, with their wives and children for that they would go into the desert, and leave the city to him. At this Titus had great indignation, that when they were in the case of men already taken captives, they should pretend to make their own terms with him, as if they had been conquerors.

So he ordered this proclamation to be made to them, That they should no more come out to him as deserters, nor hope for any further security for that he would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them with his whole army and that they must save themselves as well as they could for that he would from henceforth treat them according to the laws of war. So he gave orders to the soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city…

Jerusalem and the Temple go up in holy smoke……a holocaust in the Greek meaning of a “total burning”….A million Jews perished and 100,000 became slaves.

Madness, you Jews reading this blog, is when you keep acting the same way toward our powerful Aryan nations – utterly hateful — yet somehow you keep expecting a different outcome than AD 70.

The Arch of Titus still stands proudly today in Rome, along with the mighty Colosseum that commemorated the crushing of the Jews.

Inside the archway on the left, the carrying out of the Temple’s Menorah is depicted. The Jews have not had a real temple for nearly 2,000 years, and have turned instead of sacrifices to their endless debates (”pilpul”) about the meaning of texts in the Talmud and justifications for their hatred of “the nations,” whom they call “cattle” (in Hebrew goyeem) and rather ironically accuse of being afflicted with racism and jealousy.

The Romans decided simply that they had HAD it with the Jews and as they said in Latin, with their “odium generis humani” (in English, “their hatred of the human race”).

The Arch of Titus, praising Titus for subduing the Jews, inspired the later Arc de Triomphe in Paris.

Titus reportedly refused to accept an olive-leaf victory wreath from his soldiers, growling that there was “no merit in vanquishing a people who have been forsaken by their own god.”

The Arch of Titus provides the only contemporary depiction of sacred articles from the Temple, such as the Menorah, trumpets and the “Table of Showbread.” Horrified Jews refuse to walk under this arch to this day, remembering how they lost their base of operations.

Only sixty-five years later the Romans returned in even more wrath.

Another wise and humane emperor, Hadrian, had arisen in this “century of the good emperors.” At the beginning of his reign the gifted, sensitive, artistic, poetry-composing, bearded (and even bisexual) emperor, a huge admirer of Hellenic culture, offered generously to rebuild their destroyed Temple……

But Jewish misbehavior so enraged him that he cancelled the plan. When the Neanderjews then rebelled under their skillful general, Bar Kochba, Hadrian personally saw to it that the Jews’ power base in Palestine was utterly destroyed.

He banned circumcision as an illegal mutilation of the human body, banned the Torah, changed the province’s name from Judaea to Syria Palaestina, slaughtered 500,000 Jews, wiped out hundreds of cities and villages, annihilated Jerusalem itself — and renamed the new Roman city built on its site “Aelia Capitolina,” with big statues of Jupiter and of himself standing where once the Jews’ temple had stood.

Hadrian’s action would be the equivalent of our 1970s president, Jimmy Carter, deciding to “nuke” the State of Israel to save civilization, compassion and decency.

.

Hadrian, in some ways the ultimate wine-and-cheese leftist, after being very pro-Jewish initially ended up personally leading the armies that annihilated Judaea as an affront to all the values of civilization. A man of peace who built a vast wall across northern Britain to keep the Scots out rather than fight them, Hadrian became militantly anti-Jewish. A movie about this great emperor is planned for release in 2010….. Aelia Capitolina, the Roman city that replaced the pulverized Jerusalem. It was known as this for 600 years, until the Muslim Conquest.

.


Review: 'Pompeii & the Roman Villa' at LACMA

With the possible exception of Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal, everybody loves a good volcano story. The explosion! The lava flow! The ash cloud! Unspeakable death and destruction! The violent drama is exciting.

Even Andy Warhol painted Mt. Vesuvius as an imagined explosion of lime green, hot pink, searing orange, putrid purple and raging red colors. Fortunately, that trashy 1985 painting is not included in “Pompeii and the Roman Villa: Art and Culture around the Bay of Naples,” the absorbing exhibition of ancient art that opened Sunday at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Warhol painted nothing that wasn't already famous (or infamous), and exhibitions of Pompeiian art can get buried beneath tons of celebrity volcanology. With a minor exception, this one doesn't.

“Pompeii and the Roman Villa” is a well-considered, beautifully installed examination of elite Roman taste roughly two millenniums ago, as manifest in the country houses of powerful nobles along the Neapolitan coastline. The one misstep comes in the final section, when we're asked to look at 18th and 19th century European art that responded to the discovery and excavation of Pompeii, buried beneath molten lava, gray ash and pumice stone in the summer of AD 79, swallowing up thousands of victims.

It isn't just that this Romantic era survey is incomplete — Christian Dahl's quintessential 1826 fantasia based on a contemporary eruption of Vesuvius is not here, for instance. Or that the truly awful stuff -- such as Lawrence Alma-Tadema's  grandiose 1874 ode to monumental Victorian trivia, “A Sculpture Gallery” -- is. It's that the subject of this final section is different from the earlier ones.

The closing room displays artists and craftsmen responding to the history, legends and contemporary science of a dramatic event. (Appropriately, it comes just before the museum gift shop.) The enlightening galleries that unfold before it, meanwhile, display Roman artists engaged in a fascinating aesthetic conversation with their forebears in ancient Greece.

 “Pompeii and the Roman Villa” is a large but not exhausting study of one culture absorbing and remaking the artistic legacy of another, to suit its own social purposes. Rome had vanquished Greece in the sack of Corinth in 146 BC, but the Romans didn't denigrate Greek art as something foreign and inferior. Instead, they regarded it as magnificent, something worth emulating and, if possible, enhancing — a sign of Rome's own much greater power and glory in having triumphed over a major civilization.

Something at once highly refined and crudely militaristic characterizes the Roman attitude. Take the heavy bronze gladiator's helmet decorated with complex reliefs that relate episodes in the fall of Troy. That's a founding story of Rome, established from the tangled tale of Trojan history. Whatever the far-flung military conquests of Greece and Rome, however, today we associate the leisure pursuits of one with competitive athletic games and the other with vicious gladiatorial combat. The helmet, probably a Pompeiian show-piece rather than something actually worn in the bloody ring, is a warrior's artifact elevated to the status of elaborate decorative sculpture.

The show covers a period roughly between the empire-builder Julius Caesar (102-44 BC), whose decision to erect a Neapolitan retreat far from Rome's civic intrigues made the region around Pompeii into the fashionable Palm Springs or Hamptons of his day, and the tyrannical emperor Nero (AD 37-68), who died not long before Vesuvius erupted. (Some have used Nero's decadence as an explanation for Pompeii's tragic fate, which is sort of like Pat Robertson blaming Florida hurricanes on Gay Day at Disney World.) Villa culture is the show's focus.

Romans approached art of ancient Greece and Periclean Athens in three ways. Some clumsy Roman works are content just to signify historical awareness. Others seek to match the skill and copy the beauty of what came before. And the rest transform it into something distinctly Roman.

A bronze bust of a young man or Apollo, his eyebrows and upper lip inset with copper that results in a vacant, mechanical stare, crudely recalls archaic Greek sculpture. (His corkscrew ringlets of hair look like latter-day fusilli pasta.) By contrast, a beautifully carved marble relief shows a classically inspired figure of Achilles using his dagger to scrape rust from his spear into the abdominal wound of the regal Telephos, whose left leg tenses, toes splayed, and whose mouth gently exhales in pain. Finally a bronze fisherman astride a fountainhead is a playful, marvelously observed figure from life whose role is simply to provide thematic adornment for a garden fishpond.

Kenneth Lapatin, associate curator of antiquities at the Getty Villa — itself based on a lavish country house excavated at Herculaneum, up the coast a bit from Pompeii — ably organized the traveling LACMA show. (Carol C. Mattusch did the honors for Washington's National Gallery of Art, where it originated.) He divided the Pompeiian galleries into four sections, which unfold in a wonderfully coherent and informative way.

First is a room of 10 portrait busts and statues, plus one fragment of wall-painting and some fancy jewelry, which comprise a Who's Who of villa owners or family members. Next is a gallery that articulates the fashion for Greek art and culture among the Roman aristocracy. The “who” and “what” of ancient Pompeii are established.

The “where” completes the quartet, dramatically upping the ante.

The show hits a peak in the third section, devoted to an almost uniformly exquisite compilation of sculptures, reliefs, wall paintings and a mosaic that adorned villa gardens in the temperate seaside region. The Roman fashion for these pastoral settings may have evolved from Plato's Academy just outside Athens, the contemplative retreat centered on a sacred grove of olive trees dedicated to Athena, goddess of (among other things) wisdom. Judging from the art, though, Pompeii's gardens were as much about sensual pleasure as learning.

A nearly 6-by-12-foot fresco shows a sumptuous garden, its luxurious flora filled with birds and studded with sculpture. The remarkable painting came from a villa living room that once faced a garden, merging cultivated exterior and interior spaces. Nature's fluctuations are set against culture's permanent bloom, both equally ravishing and revered.

The fourth section focuses on villa interiors, including sculptures transformed into oil lamps, fresco still lifes, ancient glass (most loaned from the Getty's excellent collection) and so on. Three bright red walls of a dining room are adorned with paintings of Apollo and his muses in a trompe l'oeil architectural setting — a place for lively feasts. The social gatherings are given at least a gloss of literary and artistic rumination, provided by the inspirational figures painted on surrounding walls.

What the villa garden and interior galleries remind us is that almost all the Roman art in this exhibition was made for ornamental purposes. Modern traditions tend to equate decoration with trivia, and the mind recoils at being considered insufficiently intellectual. That's our loss, if “Pompeii and the Roman Villa” is any guide.


Pompeii's untold story comes to Sydney

Discover the little-known story behind one of history’s most famous and devastating natural disasters – the eruption of Mt Vesuvius and the destruction of Pompeii in 79AD.

A new international exhibition opens in Sydney on March 31 exploring the untold story of a dramatic rescue attempt following the eruption of Mt Vesuvius.

Many know of the tragic eruption that buried the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum, preserving them and their residents for 2000 years, but few are aware the Roman navy attempted to evacuate people.

The exhibition tells the story through the first-hand accounts of the Roman Navy’s fleet commander Pliny the Elder and his politician nephew, Pliny the Younger.

Pliny the Elder received word of the Mt Vesuvius explosion through the desperate message of a friend whose villa was at the foot of the mountain. He immediately sent out his largest warships, endangering himself and his crew, to rescue as many people as possible.

The exhibition brings to Australia rare artefacts from Pompeii, Herculaneum and from sites around the Bay of Naples.

Model of a Roman merchant ship. Wood. Museo delle Navi Romane, Fiumicino. Supplied

Portable shrine in the form of a temple. Lead, end of 1st century BC. Museo della Nave di Comacchio Supplied

It includes a short 3-D film experience and everyday objects recovered from Pompeii thousands of years later including jewellery, lamps, tableware, a mirror and even food items such as bread, wheat and figs, all preserved in the ash and debris.

Five body casts of victims of the eruption are also included, capturing their final moments.

Visitors can see a rostrum (used to ram other vessels) from a Roman warship recovered from the site of a famous sea battle, reliefs celebrating Rome’s naval victories, and objects that reflect how, by 79AD, the entire Mediterranean Sea was under the control of one state – Rome – for the first and only time in history.

Established by Augustus, the first emperor of Rome, the Roman Navy dominated the Mediterranean, guaranteeing the safe movement of goods, people and ideas and creating a maritime trade boom not seen again for a thousand years.


L. Ayu Saraswati

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Artifacts at the National Archeological Museum in Naples

This is how they made colors

Game exists 2,000 years ago

A perfectly preserved mosaic piece

Examples of the buildings at both sites. Seashells were commonly used.


The life of Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, the West Point valedictorian and former CIA director who's in hot water amid an inspector general scandal

First serving as President Donald Trump's CIA director, he took over as the nation's 70th secretary of state after Rex Tillerson was ousted from the position.

As one of Trump's staunchest allies, Pompeo has undergone varying levels of scrutiny. The secretary of state has been involved in controversy surrounding the impeachment inquiry, the killing of Qassem Soleimani, the coronavirus pandemic, and now, the firing of his department's watchdog, Steven Linick.

Originally from Orange County, California, Pompeo has had a long-winded career in law, business, and public service.

Before embarking on his position in the executive branch, Pompeo represented Kansas in the House of Representatives from 2011 to 2017. He is a graduate of both West Point and Harvard Law School.


Notes

  1. Vergil, Aeneid (ed. Mackail), vi, 847-853.
  2. Acts, xvii, 21.
  3. C. Foligno, Latin Thought During the Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon, 1929), pp. 5-6.
  4. Observe the musical interpretation of ancient Roman moods by O. Respighi in his orchestral suite, The Pines of Rome (Fourth Movement-The Pines of the Appian Way).
  5. Grant Showerman, Eternal Rome (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1924), I, 76. 19311, pp. 86-92.
  6. T. R. Glover, The World of the New Testament (New York: Macmillan.
  7. Cf. The Oxford Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon, 1905), VI1 (Part I), 559-560, which discloses that the derivation of the modern English, patriot, patriotic, patriotism, is conjectural, although it entered into common use as recently as the 17th or 18th centuries. It may derive from the late Latin patriota in the Epktolae of St. Gregory and patrioficus in Cassiodorus or from the Greek, through the French patriote (15th century) (Rabelais, 16th century). However, it depends clearly on the common Indo-European stem.
  8. See E. Pollack, Der Majestatsgedanke im romischen Recht: Eine Studie auf dem Gabief des romischen Sfaatsrechtr (Leipzig, 1908), p. 25.
  9. Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 17: patria quae communis est parens omnium nostrum.
  10. See article by the author, entitled “The Idea of Majesty in Roman Political Thought,” in Essays in History and Political Theory in Honor of Charles Howard McElwain (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936), pp. 168-198.
  11. See chapter on auctoritas in F. Schulz, Principles of Roman Law, trans. by M. Wolff (Oxford: Clarendon, 1936), pp. 164-188.
  12. J. S. Plumpe, “Roman Elements in Cicero’s Panegyric on the Legio Martia,” Classical Journal, XXXVI (1941), 275-289 W. H. Alexander, “De Imperio,” Classical Bulletin, XIV (1938), 41.
  13. On virtus, see Plumpe, Class. Jour., XXXVI (1941), 285-86. Cf. Sir R. W. Livingstone, Greek Ideals and Modern Life (Oxford: Clarendon, 1935), pp. 69-91, for correlative Greek conception.
  14. E. M. Hulme, Renaissance and Reformation, rev. ed. (New York: Century, 1922), p. 76, regards virtu as a perfection of the personality, the power to will, or “that which makes a man,” but suggests that the word is really untranslatable. It is the quality of the virtuoso who sets no limit on his desires or deeds. Cf. Cellini, Autobiography, l, xxx, who uses virtuosamente to denote genius, artistic ability, and masculine force.
  15. Lucilius, Satirarum reliquiae, 1, i-xiii, following the beautiful translation in Showerman, op. cit., I, 86-87.
  16. Plumpe regards fortitudo as an aspect of virtus rather than as a complementary quality as I have suggested.
  17. See T. R. Glover, 09. cit., pp. 88-89, who narrates this incident.
  18. See J. S. Plumpe, Class. Jour., XXXVI (1941), 284-85, on relation of prudentia and sapientia.
  19. Cf. John Jay Chapman, Lucian, Pluto and Greek Morals (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931), p. 72.
  20. W. C. Greene, The Achievement of Greece (Cambridge: Harvard Uni- versity Press, 1924), pp. 214-15.
  21. Tenney Frank, Life and Literature in the Roman Republic [Sather Classical Lectures, Vol. VII] (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1930), p. 65, remarks that “the theme of Roman gravitas has perhaps been overworked” yet F. Schulz, op. d., p. 83, says “Gravitas and constantia are the cardinal virtues of the Romans.” Cf. Cicero, Pro Sestio, Ixvii, 141: nosin ea civitati nati, unde orta mihi gravitas et magnitudo animi videtur.
  22. 2See essay on “Philosophy” by J. Burnet in The Legacy of Greece (Oxford, Clarendon, 1923), pp. 75-77.
  23. The Roman concept of the genius involves many controverted questions. Some would identify it with spirit, numen, and others with the Greek Galpus. See T. R. Glover, The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire (London: Methuen, 1909), pp. 1G15, 99-101.
  24. For the emergence of the modern idea of Fame, see J. Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. by Middlemore (London: Harrap, 1929), pp. 151-162.
  25. Tacitus, Agricola, c. 46.
  26. Cicero, De Re Publica, i, 25: Est igitur, inquit Africanus, res publica res populi, populus autem non omnis hominurn coetus quoquo modo congrega- tus, sed coetus multitudinis iuris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus.
  27. See Bernard of Cluny (Morlas, Morlaix), De Contemptu Mundi, lines 77-78, in Part VII, p, 15, of Hortus Conchus (Washington: St. Albans Press, 1936).
  28. Cf. Henry Adams, Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres (Boston: Houghton MiWin, 1936), pp. 282-83.
  29. See Roman Portraits [Phaidon Edition] (New York: Oxford University Press, n.d.), especially plates 2, 4, 14, IS, 24, 28, 31, 51, 55, 58, 61, 63 (male types), 33, 38, 44, 46, 52, 53 (female types), 1, 68 (priest and priestess), 7 (Cicero), 8, 9 (Porzia and Cato), 10 (Copenhagen), 11 (boy), 21 (girl), 17 (Caesar), 22 (Augustus), 47 (Minatia Polla), 64 (baby), 66 (Marcus Aurelius).
  30. Grant Showerman, op. cit., I, 101, 105.
  31. Tenney Frank, A History of Rome (New York: Holt, 1923), p. 464. Quoted by permission of Henry Holt and Co. Also see G. Showerman, op. cit., I, 136-141.
  32. Juvenal, Saturae (trans. by Gifford), lines 99-106.
  33. E. M. Sanford, The Mediterranean World in Ancient Times (New York: Ronald, 1939), p. 345: “Of all Roman generals of the Republican period, Scipio was most like Alexander in his military genius and in his conviction of his own great destiny. Yet like the other members of his notable family, he made no attempt to substitute his personal power for the authority of the Roman Senate and people, though his exploits won him the title of Maximus.” Quoted by permission of the The Ronald Press.
  34. Catullus, Carminu (trans. by Burton), v, 4-6.
  35. Henry Osborn Taylor, The Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p. 29. Cf. W. C. Greene, The Achiewement of Rome (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1933), pp. 353-55.
  36. For humanitas and related concepts, see F. Schulz, op. cit., pp. 189-222.
  37. Egon Friedell, A Cultural History of the Modern Age (New York: Knopf, 1931), 11, 343-44.
  38. Historical parallels are often analogies which may corroborate in association with other demonstrable facts but are indecisive or misleading when considered in isolation. For a conservative and interesting use of this sort of evidence, see H. J. Haskell, The New Deal in Old Rome (New York: Knopf, 1939).
  39. These statistics are based on M. L. W. Laistner, A Survey of Ancient History (New York: Heath, 1929), p. 404, whose scholarship is notably accurate. At the Trebia river only 10,000 out of 40,000 Romans escaped, and at Lake Trasimene not more than 10,000 out of 35,000 returned to Rome (Laistner, pp. 402403). On September 24, 1942, the 31st day of the battle before Stalingrad, the United Press reported that the Germans had lost more than 5,000 men in the preceding three days in what it designated “one of the bloodiest engagements in history,” and on October 5th, the 42nd day of the battle, Moscow dispatches reported that “the Russians were killing more than 4,000 Germans a day.” On October 5th, the 46th day, the United Press again reported 4,000 Nazis killed in “the record blood sacrifice in one of history’s greatest battles.” On October 19th, the 56th day, a Soviet communique reported 2,500 Nazis killed in frontal assaults on the city, and on October 25th, the 61st day, 10,000 Nazis killed in two days, while on October 31st, the 67th day, Prawda is quoted as asserting that the Germans were losing 4,000-5,000 killed daily with as much as an entire division of 15,000 men sometimes killed or wounded in 24 hours. These statistics indicate average losses in killed of 2,500 to 5,000 per day in the German assaults upon Stalingrad, bearing out the estimates of military experts that the Nazis suffered casualties of 150,000 killed within two months in the siege of the city. C. J. Hayes, A Brief History of the Great War (New York: Macmillan, 1920), p. 155, states that probably 300,000 German soldiers must be numbered as killed, wounded or captured in the battles before Verdun between February and July, 1916. According to official reports, at Gettysburg, July 1-3, 1863, the Union loss was 3,072 killed, 14,497 wounded, and 5,434 missing-an aggregate loss of 23,003 out of about 88,000 effective men: the Confederate loss was 2,592 killed, 12,709 wounded, and 5,150 missing-an aggregate loss of 20,451 out of about 73,000 effective men. Capt. B. H. Liddell Hart, The Real War, 1914 to 1918 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1930), p. 214, observes that time in the military sense has been trans- formed in modern warfare, so that battles now extend over periods of weeks and even months whereas in earlier times they lasted only a matter of hours or days. Likewise, I would add that space in the military sense has been extended, so that battles are no longer identified with specific localities or limited natural features but have become battles of nations and even continents. Indeed, a series of military operations, once called campaigns, are now designated battles. Military perspective, temporal and spatial, has changed. Nevertheless, the statistics do not seem to reveal a necessarily greater destruction in modern warfare but fundamental changes in the circumstances and processes of destruction, indicating a probably higher destructive potentiality. Comparisons cannot be made in the absolute but are relative to the established conditions of a given time.
  40. See C. H. McIlwain, The Growth of Political Thought in the West (New York: Macmillan, 1932), p. 111, who notes that a true republic must exist under bond of law (vinculum iuris) and cannot be under the domination of the multitude (the mass-man of Ralph Adams Cram), unless re- strained by consent to law, because such a multitude may be “as much a tyrant as if it were one man, and even more horrid.” This view is based on Scipio’s definition of a republic in Cicero, De Re Publica, iii, 31-33. Also in De Re Publica, iii, 22, Cicero defines further that “True law is right reason consonant with nature, diffused among all men, constant, eternal.”
  41. For classical influences upon American republican institutions, see G. Chinard, “Polybius and the American Constitution,” Journal of the History of Ideas, I (1940), 38-58.

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